Mixed evidence from language studies: At first glance, findings from language studies appear to lean more towards the side of cultural relativism, with such research operating on the assumption that different emotion words describe separate emotional experiences. This is supported by the existence of culture-specific emotion words. It is also supported by the fact that the quantity of emotion-related words varies greatly between languages, with some containing as few as seven basic emotion words (such as Chewong in Malaysia), whilst others have more than 2,000 (such as English).

However, evidence also exists which demonstrates the ability to display relevant behaviours for an emotion, even if a word does not exist for this in your language. For example, studies of the Tahitian people found that although they did not have a word for sadness in their vocabulary, they were still able to show associated reactions and behaviours, which suggests that the experience of this emotion can, in fact, be considered to be universal.

Mixed evidence from studies of facial expressions: Darwin’s work and theories of evolution have significantly contributed to the notion that emotions are experienced universally. His claim that emotional expressions are inherited and woven into our shared human nature provides the foundation for the proposal of a set of basic emotions. Ekman’s neuro-cultural theory of emotion (1972) expands on this idea by categorising emotions into seven states (which include happiness, sadness, fear, disgust, anger, surprise and contempt) and suggesting that these states control our facial expressions as a result of our hardwired internal programs. Findings from cross-cultural research have further supported ideas of universality, as they have demonstrated that facial expressions of these basic emotions can be correctly recognised across both literate and preliterate cultures. It is important, however, to note the limitation of cross-cultural research often being carried out from a Western perspective, which fails to account for crucial cultural distinctions. This consideration has resulted in the suggestion of the existence of display rules, defined as “cultural norms that dictate the management and modification of emotional displays depending on social circumstances” (Ekman & Friesen, 1969).

So, what’s the verdict? In summary, it is clear that a conclusive answer to this debate has not yet been uncovered, and it is vital that neither the universal perspective nor the relativist approach is disregarded. The existence of evidence for both sides of the argument suggests that it is best to instead view emotions from an intermediary position, equally acknowledging the existence of universal basic emotions and facial expressions and the ways in which emotions are influenced by social factors, such as language and culture.

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